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Officially, at least, everything is going according to plan. In September,
officials with the troika -- made up of the European Commission, the European
Central Bank (ECB) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) -- are planning to
travel to Athens to check on the progress that Greece has made with its
cost-cutting program. Then, according to the plan, they could disburse billions
more in aid out of the second bailout package for Greece, which the euro-zone
countries and the IMF agreed on in February.
But, in reality, it is
rather unlikely that all of the €130 billion ($160 billion) in the bailout
package will ever be paid out. And what is even more unlikely is that the money
would keep Greece from going bankrupt.
The assumptions on which the current program was based in February are no
longer valid. At that time, it was thought that the Greek economy would only
contract by 4.5 percent this year, but now it appears that this figure will be
closer to 7 percent. This would mean even fewer tax receipts and even more
social expenditures. What's more, given these circumstances, it's almost
irrelevant that the Greek government is expected to ask for a two-year
extension, to 2016, of the agreed austerity plan.
One thing is clear: In addition to more time, Greece also needs more money.
And those who have been financing it thus far -- primarily the major euro-zone
countries and the IMF -- are either unwilling or unable to give the country any
more. In political terms, that is completely understandable: One can only
imagine the earful that German Chancellor Angela Merkel would get if she were to
present a third aid package for Greece before the Bundestag, Germany's
parliament. In fact, the members of her own conservative coalition would
probably chase her out of the building.
Truth be told, Merkel only has herself to blame for the fact that she is
stuck in this pickle. She dug in her heels too much in insisting that the
problems of Southern European countries could only be solved by drastic
belt-tightening, and that what the Greeks were really lacking was the will to do
what was necessary. Now she can hardly abandon this way of interpreting the
crisis.
Delaying the Inevitable and Necessary
If it was ever the goal of Merkel and her allies to rescue Greece from
bankruptcy, then they have failed. The only thing the drastic austerity measures
have done is to exacerbate the economic crisis and push Greece's debts even
higher. Nevertheless, the creditors have insisted on moving forward with their
plan -- even though it already became clear long ago where it was heading.
The end of this approach now appears to have been reached. Neither euro-zone
countries nor the IMF can provide Greece with more aid without sacrificing their
own credibility. Given these circumstances, there is only one option left:
Greece must go broke.
European politicians have balked from taking this step -- probably also
because the new permanent bailout fund, the European Stability Mechanism (ESM),
which is supposed to cushion the economic impacts of a Greek bankruptcy, has yet
to enter into force.
Instead, they have tried
to buy time with the help of a dangerous interim arrangement: The Greek
government is supposed to borrow the money it needs from the ailing Greek banks.
In return, the banks receive sovereign bonds that they can, in turn, provide as
securities for new loans from Greece's central bank. In this way, Greece's
central bank is financing the Greek state in what is really just a kind of shell
game that gets riskier the longer it is played. In any case, all euro-zone
countries will in the end be jointly on the hook for these liabilities.
A Greek bankruptcy would already be costly enough at the moment. Estimates
say that it would cost Germany alone some €80 billion. Lest this figure climb
any higher, the right thing to do would be to finally make that one fateful
step.
No matter how unpredictable the consequences of a Greek bankruptcy might be,
it appears to offer the only chance to resolve the messy situation. In this way,
Greece would be free of its debts and would have a chance to make a fresh start
-- either as part of the euro zone or not. And the creditors in Berlin and
Brussels could finally free themselves from the spiral of threats and rescue
actions that they have gotten themselves into.
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